Page 69 - Šolsko polje, XXIX, 2018, no. 5-6: Radicalization, Violent Extremism and Conflicting Diversity, eds. Mitja Sardoč and Tomaž Deželan
P. 69
k. bovan, m. kovačić, m. vučković ■ being mainstream, being radical ...
limit different minorities’ rights4. As demonstrated, young people on av-
erage are not as interested in greater societal and political occurrences and
their actors which cannot be said vice versa. In other words, even though
young people do not find radical societal actors important, young people
are important to them because they wish to influence them. In Croatia,
topics of young people and education are of great interest for various soci-
etal actors due to their importance for shaping (future) society. Both pro-
gressive and (neo)conservative social and political actors seek to influence
curricula and young people in order to perpetuate and strengthen their
values and points of views on society. Kovacic & Horvat (2016) in their
book analyse civic competences of young people in Croatia and point out
the progressive actors’ agenda to empower young people, teach them to
think critically, and engage them in society and politics via quality im-
plementation of civic education in schools. Complementary, Petricusic et
al. (2017: p. 69–70) point out that “the religious-political movement ob-
jects to the introduction of health and civic education programs in school
curricula on the grounds that learning about sexuality in elementary and
high schools is contrary to parental rights and interests of educating their
children in accordance with their own value systems”. Latter actors are
particularly important in the context of radicalisation due to their wish
for fundamental and immediate change of society’s dominant values and/
or political regime which is how McLaughlin (2012) defines radicalism.
Furthermore, both conservative and progressive actors consider the other
one radical. Thus, one of the incentives for this research was to see what do
young people understand as being radical and what is mainstream from
their perspective.
Methodological Framework
For that purpose, six focus groups, each consisting of nine questions, were
conducted encompassing a total of 33 young people between the ages of
15 to 30, from five Croatian cities and towns (Zagreb, Split, Šibenik, Sinj,
Dalj), throughout May and June 2018. All focus groups were transcribed
and analysed by using Nvivo software. Focus groups were used because
this qualitative research method technique allows researchers to explore
participants’ knowledge and experience in order to examine how they
4 Petricusic et al. (2017: p. 69) in their text on the rise of the neoconservative movement in
Croatia describe the hallmark of this movement, namely the “initiative ‘In the Name of
the Family’ that managed to include the definition of marriage into the text of the Cro-
atian constitution as a union between a man and a woman. In this way they were able to
create a constitutional prohibition of same-sex marriage and the impossibility of marriage
equality for LGBT individuals”
67
limit different minorities’ rights4. As demonstrated, young people on av-
erage are not as interested in greater societal and political occurrences and
their actors which cannot be said vice versa. In other words, even though
young people do not find radical societal actors important, young people
are important to them because they wish to influence them. In Croatia,
topics of young people and education are of great interest for various soci-
etal actors due to their importance for shaping (future) society. Both pro-
gressive and (neo)conservative social and political actors seek to influence
curricula and young people in order to perpetuate and strengthen their
values and points of views on society. Kovacic & Horvat (2016) in their
book analyse civic competences of young people in Croatia and point out
the progressive actors’ agenda to empower young people, teach them to
think critically, and engage them in society and politics via quality im-
plementation of civic education in schools. Complementary, Petricusic et
al. (2017: p. 69–70) point out that “the religious-political movement ob-
jects to the introduction of health and civic education programs in school
curricula on the grounds that learning about sexuality in elementary and
high schools is contrary to parental rights and interests of educating their
children in accordance with their own value systems”. Latter actors are
particularly important in the context of radicalisation due to their wish
for fundamental and immediate change of society’s dominant values and/
or political regime which is how McLaughlin (2012) defines radicalism.
Furthermore, both conservative and progressive actors consider the other
one radical. Thus, one of the incentives for this research was to see what do
young people understand as being radical and what is mainstream from
their perspective.
Methodological Framework
For that purpose, six focus groups, each consisting of nine questions, were
conducted encompassing a total of 33 young people between the ages of
15 to 30, from five Croatian cities and towns (Zagreb, Split, Šibenik, Sinj,
Dalj), throughout May and June 2018. All focus groups were transcribed
and analysed by using Nvivo software. Focus groups were used because
this qualitative research method technique allows researchers to explore
participants’ knowledge and experience in order to examine how they
4 Petricusic et al. (2017: p. 69) in their text on the rise of the neoconservative movement in
Croatia describe the hallmark of this movement, namely the “initiative ‘In the Name of
the Family’ that managed to include the definition of marriage into the text of the Cro-
atian constitution as a union between a man and a woman. In this way they were able to
create a constitutional prohibition of same-sex marriage and the impossibility of marriage
equality for LGBT individuals”
67
