Page 67 - Šolsko polje, XXIX, 2018, no. 5-6: Radicalization, Violent Extremism and Conflicting Diversity, eds. Mitja Sardoč and Tomaž Deželan
P. 67
k. bovan, m. kovačić, m. vučković ■ being mainstream, being radical ...
This desire can, but does not necessarily encompass, violent behaviour or
support for violent actions. Following this approach, radicalisation can
be defined as a shift toward adopting more radical values and positions.
This approach is relatively new, and there are a lot of open issues – such
as what are the differences in radicalisation in different settings, are there
any universal phases or steps in the process, under what conditions is vi-
olence present or supported, what is the relationship between radical val-
ues and radical behaviour, etc. However, these issues are open within the
studies of Islamist radicalisation to violent extremism, which means that
we are not “losing” any insights by adopting an alternative approach to
radicalisation. On the other hand, this allows us to broaden our scope of
research, both in different socio-political settings as well as within groups
and individuals with different ideological positions. Furthermore, this ap-
proach points out potential fallacies in simply assuming what the norma-
tive/mainstream position is, and who the radicals are, as was done in the
majority of studies so far (Dalgaard-Nielsen, 2010; Sedgwick, 2010).
Radicalisation and Youth
The field of radicalisation studies is young, and once we adopt an alterna-
tive approach to radicalism it becomes even younger. Thus, the goal of this
study is to take a few steps back toward the basics of radicalisation and
study the relationship between the mainstream and radical positions and
put it in the context of young people. One way to do this is to see how citi-
zens/young people themselves see these terms and what they think are the
defining characteristics of radicals.
Growing literature in the area of security studies points out youth
as a group particularly prone to radicalisation. Young people are thus
seen as a “growing concern for counter-terrorism policy” (Bizina, Grey,
2014: p. 72), relatively easy to recruit for violent radical acts and extrem-
ism (Özerdem, Podder 2011; Costanza, 2015), or even as an emerging is-
sue for national security in various national contexts (Yom, Sammour,
2017; Doosje et al., 2017; Bezunartea et al. , 2009). Even though relevant
sociological research also pinpoints young people as being more predis-
posed to extremist values than adults (Ilisin, 1999), this notion should not
be taken for granted without taking into account other variables that in-
fluence youth behaviour, such as political culture of a specific state, eco-
nomic situation, the quality of governance and democracy as such, social
values constellation and so on. That being so, there is a tacit consensus
among youth researchers that young people should be involved not only
in policy-making but also in research when investigating their universes.
In other words, it is advisable to give voice to young people when studying
65
This desire can, but does not necessarily encompass, violent behaviour or
support for violent actions. Following this approach, radicalisation can
be defined as a shift toward adopting more radical values and positions.
This approach is relatively new, and there are a lot of open issues – such
as what are the differences in radicalisation in different settings, are there
any universal phases or steps in the process, under what conditions is vi-
olence present or supported, what is the relationship between radical val-
ues and radical behaviour, etc. However, these issues are open within the
studies of Islamist radicalisation to violent extremism, which means that
we are not “losing” any insights by adopting an alternative approach to
radicalisation. On the other hand, this allows us to broaden our scope of
research, both in different socio-political settings as well as within groups
and individuals with different ideological positions. Furthermore, this ap-
proach points out potential fallacies in simply assuming what the norma-
tive/mainstream position is, and who the radicals are, as was done in the
majority of studies so far (Dalgaard-Nielsen, 2010; Sedgwick, 2010).
Radicalisation and Youth
The field of radicalisation studies is young, and once we adopt an alterna-
tive approach to radicalism it becomes even younger. Thus, the goal of this
study is to take a few steps back toward the basics of radicalisation and
study the relationship between the mainstream and radical positions and
put it in the context of young people. One way to do this is to see how citi-
zens/young people themselves see these terms and what they think are the
defining characteristics of radicals.
Growing literature in the area of security studies points out youth
as a group particularly prone to radicalisation. Young people are thus
seen as a “growing concern for counter-terrorism policy” (Bizina, Grey,
2014: p. 72), relatively easy to recruit for violent radical acts and extrem-
ism (Özerdem, Podder 2011; Costanza, 2015), or even as an emerging is-
sue for national security in various national contexts (Yom, Sammour,
2017; Doosje et al., 2017; Bezunartea et al. , 2009). Even though relevant
sociological research also pinpoints young people as being more predis-
posed to extremist values than adults (Ilisin, 1999), this notion should not
be taken for granted without taking into account other variables that in-
fluence youth behaviour, such as political culture of a specific state, eco-
nomic situation, the quality of governance and democracy as such, social
values constellation and so on. That being so, there is a tacit consensus
among youth researchers that young people should be involved not only
in policy-making but also in research when investigating their universes.
In other words, it is advisable to give voice to young people when studying
65
