Page 87 - Šolsko polje, XXXI, 2020, 5-6: Teaching Feminism, ed. Valerija Vendramin
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m. adamović ■ what can we learn about feminism from web portals?
discourse, postfeminism is a complex phenomenon allowing women entry
to the public sphere but simultaneously insisting on their femininity and
all associated patriarchal stereotypes and cultural mythos (Danova, 2006;
Lance & Paschyn, 2018).
The phenomenon of celebrity feminism, whose media protago-
nists often speak from their individual perspectives (connected to a feel-
ing of injustice in performing their professional or social roles) pointing
out racial, gender or economic hierarchies, sexual violence or other sig-
nificant social problems, encountered strong criticism from female fem-
inist theoreticians with regard to the professions the celebrities perform,
i.e. a deep collision with capitalism in which gender inequality is incon-
trovertible. Hobson (2016) warns that celebrity feminism is completely
opposed to authentic feminism, which is less mainstream and less attrac-
tive than the interpretation of feminism offered by show business stars.
Hobson emphasises that famous feminist brands are only a stepping stone
to true feminism, and at the same time very removed from true feminist
ideas because by many standards, primarily their lifestyles, they represent
precisely what feminism is trying to bring into question. This is, claims
Gay (2014), “rebranded and reclaimed feminism” advocated not only by
beautiful, famous and generally irresistible women but also by male fem-
inists whose word has a “broader reach” and echoing message instantly
becomes viral in today’s Internet world. Andi Zeisler (2016) claims that
celebrity feminists such as Beyoncé, Emma Watson, Taylor Swift and oth-
ers, who are privileged to publicly speak about inequality and have popu-
larised feminism, are the ones accountable for transforming the unpopu-
lar “angry, the cynical and man-hating” (Zeisler, 2016, xii) discourse into
a hot marketable topic. Nevertheless, celebrity feminism has great media
visibility and cultural capital, especially significant in Internet culture
which has made collective conversation and greater democratisation pos-
sible. This sort of communication is based on short messages with a lim-
ited number of characters, which can hardly be rivalled by the academic
discourse (Hobson, 2016).
Empirical research points to women being less represented in the
printed media than men (such as Jia at al., 2016; Stanley, 2012; Harp, Loke
& Bachmann, 2011) and that the same trend has been carried over to dig-
ital media. Further research shows that the often seemingly objective re-
porting on female politicians’ activities conceals a deceitful media in-
tention to portray them as depoliticised (Vavrus, 2002; Danova, 2006).
Female politicians are written about as “beautiful, elegant women, devot-
ed mothers and wives”, and their private appearances and lives are more
commented on than their public role (cf. Danova, 2006, p. 131).
85
discourse, postfeminism is a complex phenomenon allowing women entry
to the public sphere but simultaneously insisting on their femininity and
all associated patriarchal stereotypes and cultural mythos (Danova, 2006;
Lance & Paschyn, 2018).
The phenomenon of celebrity feminism, whose media protago-
nists often speak from their individual perspectives (connected to a feel-
ing of injustice in performing their professional or social roles) pointing
out racial, gender or economic hierarchies, sexual violence or other sig-
nificant social problems, encountered strong criticism from female fem-
inist theoreticians with regard to the professions the celebrities perform,
i.e. a deep collision with capitalism in which gender inequality is incon-
trovertible. Hobson (2016) warns that celebrity feminism is completely
opposed to authentic feminism, which is less mainstream and less attrac-
tive than the interpretation of feminism offered by show business stars.
Hobson emphasises that famous feminist brands are only a stepping stone
to true feminism, and at the same time very removed from true feminist
ideas because by many standards, primarily their lifestyles, they represent
precisely what feminism is trying to bring into question. This is, claims
Gay (2014), “rebranded and reclaimed feminism” advocated not only by
beautiful, famous and generally irresistible women but also by male fem-
inists whose word has a “broader reach” and echoing message instantly
becomes viral in today’s Internet world. Andi Zeisler (2016) claims that
celebrity feminists such as Beyoncé, Emma Watson, Taylor Swift and oth-
ers, who are privileged to publicly speak about inequality and have popu-
larised feminism, are the ones accountable for transforming the unpopu-
lar “angry, the cynical and man-hating” (Zeisler, 2016, xii) discourse into
a hot marketable topic. Nevertheless, celebrity feminism has great media
visibility and cultural capital, especially significant in Internet culture
which has made collective conversation and greater democratisation pos-
sible. This sort of communication is based on short messages with a lim-
ited number of characters, which can hardly be rivalled by the academic
discourse (Hobson, 2016).
Empirical research points to women being less represented in the
printed media than men (such as Jia at al., 2016; Stanley, 2012; Harp, Loke
& Bachmann, 2011) and that the same trend has been carried over to dig-
ital media. Further research shows that the often seemingly objective re-
porting on female politicians’ activities conceals a deceitful media in-
tention to portray them as depoliticised (Vavrus, 2002; Danova, 2006).
Female politicians are written about as “beautiful, elegant women, devot-
ed mothers and wives”, and their private appearances and lives are more
commented on than their public role (cf. Danova, 2006, p. 131).
85
