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2.2 SES and civic participation
Socioeconomic status (SES) is a critical research topic in both the sociol-
ogy and pedagogy of child development. This importance arises from the
fact that families with higher SES can offer their children more opportuni-
ties for services, activities, and diverse forms of participation, in contrast
to parents with lower SES, which can result in inequality in terms of ac-
cess to resources and experiences, as well as other developmental dispari-
ties among children. These discrepancies extend to areas such as children’s
health, cognitive and academic attainment, and social-emotional develop-
ment (Bradley and Corwyn, 2002).
Keating and Germen Janmaat (2015) conducted a longitudinal study
in England to examine the correlation between school participation in ac-
tivities such as debating groups, elections, and school parliament, and sub-
sequent civic and political involvement. They discovered that engaging in
such activities during school years has a lasting positive impact on individ-
uals’ future civic and political participation. They also identified socioeco-
nomic status as a crucial predictor of participation, emphasizing that activ-
ities at the age of eleven have the most significant influence on subsequent
civic engagement, but that this does not imply that civic education and par-
ticipatory activities should be limited to this age group.
Ellen Quintelier and Marc Hooghe (2012) carried out a comparable
study on a representative panel of Belgian sixteen-year-olds to investigate
the connection between political participation and parents’ socioeconom-
ic status and the adolescents themselves. By utilizing a structural equation
model, they found that young people’s socioeconomic status affects both
their current level of political participation and their long-term civic en-
gagement. They also discovered that the gap between active and inactive
citizens expands over time, indicating a widening inequality in civic en-
gagement (Quintelier and Hooghe, 2012).
According to the theory of social capital, individuals who have ac-
cess to more resources, such as education, income, and social networks, are
more likely to engage in civic activities (Putnam, 2000). This could be be-
cause these resources provide individuals with the skills, knowledge, and
connections necessary to participate effectively in their communities.
Moreover, scholars have also argued that socioeconomic background
can influence civic participation through its impact on civic attitudes and
values (Verba et al., 1995). For example, individuals from higher socioeco-
nomic backgrounds may be more likely to hold democratic values and be-
202
2.2 SES and civic participation
Socioeconomic status (SES) is a critical research topic in both the sociol-
ogy and pedagogy of child development. This importance arises from the
fact that families with higher SES can offer their children more opportuni-
ties for services, activities, and diverse forms of participation, in contrast
to parents with lower SES, which can result in inequality in terms of ac-
cess to resources and experiences, as well as other developmental dispari-
ties among children. These discrepancies extend to areas such as children’s
health, cognitive and academic attainment, and social-emotional develop-
ment (Bradley and Corwyn, 2002).
Keating and Germen Janmaat (2015) conducted a longitudinal study
in England to examine the correlation between school participation in ac-
tivities such as debating groups, elections, and school parliament, and sub-
sequent civic and political involvement. They discovered that engaging in
such activities during school years has a lasting positive impact on individ-
uals’ future civic and political participation. They also identified socioeco-
nomic status as a crucial predictor of participation, emphasizing that activ-
ities at the age of eleven have the most significant influence on subsequent
civic engagement, but that this does not imply that civic education and par-
ticipatory activities should be limited to this age group.
Ellen Quintelier and Marc Hooghe (2012) carried out a comparable
study on a representative panel of Belgian sixteen-year-olds to investigate
the connection between political participation and parents’ socioeconom-
ic status and the adolescents themselves. By utilizing a structural equation
model, they found that young people’s socioeconomic status affects both
their current level of political participation and their long-term civic en-
gagement. They also discovered that the gap between active and inactive
citizens expands over time, indicating a widening inequality in civic en-
gagement (Quintelier and Hooghe, 2012).
According to the theory of social capital, individuals who have ac-
cess to more resources, such as education, income, and social networks, are
more likely to engage in civic activities (Putnam, 2000). This could be be-
cause these resources provide individuals with the skills, knowledge, and
connections necessary to participate effectively in their communities.
Moreover, scholars have also argued that socioeconomic background
can influence civic participation through its impact on civic attitudes and
values (Verba et al., 1995). For example, individuals from higher socioeco-
nomic backgrounds may be more likely to hold democratic values and be-
202
