Page 179 - Štremfel, Urška, and Maša Vidmar (eds.). 2018. Early School Leaving: Contemporary European Perspectives. Ljubljana: Pedagoški inštitut.
P. 179
the interplay of factors contributing to esl at the system level
students who attended ECEC in their childhood outperform those who did
not, even after accounting for SES (however, somewhere between two- to
three-quarters of the advantage is reduced after accounting for students’
and schools’ SES; OECD, 2017). Generally, across European countries par-
ticipation in ECEC is high during the year or two before primary education
– on average, 93% children attend ECEC before they start primary educa-
tion (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice/Eurostat, 2014).
Tracing ESL back to (non-)participation in high-quality ECEC is
a challenging task. The quality of early caregiving has been shown to be
linked to ESL (Jimerson, Egeland, Sroufe, & Carlson, 2000). In a study car-
ried out by the Public Policy and Management Institute (EC, 2014a), based
on a literature review and case studies it was concluded that “in the profiles
of pupils who are defined as ESLers and underachievers we see the absence
of the very dispositions and skills that are laid down in high-quality ECEC
settings” (p. 76). This indicates that high-quality ECEC is a protective fac-
tor against ESL, particularly for migrant and minority students (EC, 2012;
OECD, 2017).
Transition to (upper) secondary education
A well-managed transition process from the primary to secondary level,
from the lower to upper secondary level, and from school to work are all
factors helping to cut the ESL (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice/
Cedefop, 2014). However, research indicates this is now always the case, and
in particular the following drawbacks of transition to upper secondary lev-
el are mentioned: traditional style of academic teaching, lack of relevance
of pathways and excessively rigid curriculum, disconnection from labour
market needs, lack of permeability between pathways (academic, technical,
vocational) (ibid.). Smoothing the transition from primary to post-prima-
ry level was also one of the key themes raised in interviews with high-risk
ESL groups (e.g. people with special educational needs, travellers) and par-
ents of ESLers (Houses of the Oireachtas, 2010).
Other researchers have also problematized the transition to secondary
education and the developmental inappropriateness of the secondary school
context (e.g. Eccles, 2004). In her model, Eccles argued that the emotion-
al, cognitive and social needs and personal goals of individuals change as
they mature. The transition from primary to secondary level needs to reflect
these changes and provide a developmentally appropriate context that will
continue to motivate and engage students; she called this stage-environment
179
students who attended ECEC in their childhood outperform those who did
not, even after accounting for SES (however, somewhere between two- to
three-quarters of the advantage is reduced after accounting for students’
and schools’ SES; OECD, 2017). Generally, across European countries par-
ticipation in ECEC is high during the year or two before primary education
– on average, 93% children attend ECEC before they start primary educa-
tion (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice/Eurostat, 2014).
Tracing ESL back to (non-)participation in high-quality ECEC is
a challenging task. The quality of early caregiving has been shown to be
linked to ESL (Jimerson, Egeland, Sroufe, & Carlson, 2000). In a study car-
ried out by the Public Policy and Management Institute (EC, 2014a), based
on a literature review and case studies it was concluded that “in the profiles
of pupils who are defined as ESLers and underachievers we see the absence
of the very dispositions and skills that are laid down in high-quality ECEC
settings” (p. 76). This indicates that high-quality ECEC is a protective fac-
tor against ESL, particularly for migrant and minority students (EC, 2012;
OECD, 2017).
Transition to (upper) secondary education
A well-managed transition process from the primary to secondary level,
from the lower to upper secondary level, and from school to work are all
factors helping to cut the ESL (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice/
Cedefop, 2014). However, research indicates this is now always the case, and
in particular the following drawbacks of transition to upper secondary lev-
el are mentioned: traditional style of academic teaching, lack of relevance
of pathways and excessively rigid curriculum, disconnection from labour
market needs, lack of permeability between pathways (academic, technical,
vocational) (ibid.). Smoothing the transition from primary to post-prima-
ry level was also one of the key themes raised in interviews with high-risk
ESL groups (e.g. people with special educational needs, travellers) and par-
ents of ESLers (Houses of the Oireachtas, 2010).
Other researchers have also problematized the transition to secondary
education and the developmental inappropriateness of the secondary school
context (e.g. Eccles, 2004). In her model, Eccles argued that the emotion-
al, cognitive and social needs and personal goals of individuals change as
they mature. The transition from primary to secondary level needs to reflect
these changes and provide a developmentally appropriate context that will
continue to motivate and engage students; she called this stage-environment
179
