Page 59 - Darko Štrajn, From Walter Benjamin to the End of Cinema: Identities, Illusion and Signification. Ljubljana: Educational Research Institute, 2017. Digital Library, Dissertationes, 29.
P. 59
defining the ideology of extremism
formed the political map of the planet, had inevitably set in motion a pro-
cess of formation of ideologies including adaptations, restructuring and
re-interpretations of ideologies existing from before. This definitely created
an impression of confusion and, to an extent, of a disorientation in politics.
New complexities, new international relations and an uncertainty on how
to modify strategies must have influenced the politics. “/.../ each politics,
worth of its name, builds on representations that people make for them-
selves about their life and their rights” (Badiou, 1993: p. 12). This transpar-
ent “rule” explains a lot.
Although, for example, the European governments are committed to
democracy, international cooperation, and a whole set of values of mul-
ti-culturalism declared by the Council of Europe, they respond to the fears
and uncertainties of their electorates. In the face of the global trends that
increasingly make people economically and culturally dependant on the
international communication, there is, for some years now, a visible coun-
ter-trend towards the emphasis of ethnic or national identities. Apparently,
the ruling democratic parties in Western Europe try to accommodate their
electorate, but this then causes troubles within the European Union, and
especially with the newly democratic neighbourhood. Without any clear
pragmatic way out of this contradiction, the European Union balances be-
tween the politics of compromises between the member states themselves
aimed at securing a degree of sovereignty of each member state, and be-
tween the politics of controlling the outside borders and postponing the
time for admittance of prospective new members. Simultaneously, with-
in the European states new legislation concerning emigration and the cit-
izenship of immigrants is being severely tightened. On the other side of
the former iron curtain, what once has been idealised as freedom loving
and human rights-craving civil society increasingly becomes obsessed with
“problems of identity”. The state of affairs, therefore, turns into a clash of
identities, what creates new soil for a rise of extreme ideologies. As this hap-
pens, it is not too difficult to observe a liaison between ideologies of admit-
tedly moderate ruling parties and the extremist elaborations of the same
ideologies. “Moreover, the explanations and justifications offered in oper-
ative ideology contain all the structural components of fundamental ide-
ology. Operative deviates from or corresponds with fundamental ideolo-
gy according to whether or not the specific contents (and the emphases of
structural components) in one dimension are congruent with those found
in the other” (Seliger, 1976: p. 175). Considering this scheme, the extremism
57
formed the political map of the planet, had inevitably set in motion a pro-
cess of formation of ideologies including adaptations, restructuring and
re-interpretations of ideologies existing from before. This definitely created
an impression of confusion and, to an extent, of a disorientation in politics.
New complexities, new international relations and an uncertainty on how
to modify strategies must have influenced the politics. “/.../ each politics,
worth of its name, builds on representations that people make for them-
selves about their life and their rights” (Badiou, 1993: p. 12). This transpar-
ent “rule” explains a lot.
Although, for example, the European governments are committed to
democracy, international cooperation, and a whole set of values of mul-
ti-culturalism declared by the Council of Europe, they respond to the fears
and uncertainties of their electorates. In the face of the global trends that
increasingly make people economically and culturally dependant on the
international communication, there is, for some years now, a visible coun-
ter-trend towards the emphasis of ethnic or national identities. Apparently,
the ruling democratic parties in Western Europe try to accommodate their
electorate, but this then causes troubles within the European Union, and
especially with the newly democratic neighbourhood. Without any clear
pragmatic way out of this contradiction, the European Union balances be-
tween the politics of compromises between the member states themselves
aimed at securing a degree of sovereignty of each member state, and be-
tween the politics of controlling the outside borders and postponing the
time for admittance of prospective new members. Simultaneously, with-
in the European states new legislation concerning emigration and the cit-
izenship of immigrants is being severely tightened. On the other side of
the former iron curtain, what once has been idealised as freedom loving
and human rights-craving civil society increasingly becomes obsessed with
“problems of identity”. The state of affairs, therefore, turns into a clash of
identities, what creates new soil for a rise of extreme ideologies. As this hap-
pens, it is not too difficult to observe a liaison between ideologies of admit-
tedly moderate ruling parties and the extremist elaborations of the same
ideologies. “Moreover, the explanations and justifications offered in oper-
ative ideology contain all the structural components of fundamental ide-
ology. Operative deviates from or corresponds with fundamental ideolo-
gy according to whether or not the specific contents (and the emphases of
structural components) in one dimension are congruent with those found
in the other” (Seliger, 1976: p. 175). Considering this scheme, the extremism
57
