Page 60 - Darko Štrajn, From Walter Benjamin to the End of Cinema: Identities, Illusion and Signification. Ljubljana: Educational Research Institute, 2017. Digital Library, Dissertationes, 29.
P. 60
from walter benjamin to the end of cinema
finds its expression on the level of operative ideology stressing immediate
action. The extremism, which I have in mind here that is tied to the ideo-
logical notion of identity, relies more and more on “democratic” means, al-
though it inspires clandestine violent incidents as well. Such figures of the
contemporary politics such as Gianfranco Fini of the Italian National Al-
liance, or Marine Le Pen of the French National Front, or the American
Tea Party’s Sarah Palin, without mentioning nationalist post-communist
“democrats” all over the former Eastern Bloc, bear witness to the new strat-
egy of the extreme right in new global circumstances.
With regard to the tradition of the extremism, bolshevism and fas-
cism, universalism and particularism, it is obvious that time has come for
the right wing extremism. If we are to believe the media, the general au-
diences perceive as extremism the acts of either minority ethnic groups
(like IRA and ETA) or alien terrorists such as “Islamic fundamentalists”.
Although clearly this kind of extremism may not be justified, the media
suggestion of externalising the meaning of the notion of extremism points
towards legitimating the extremism that occupies its place among the dem-
ocratic parties or sometimes within them in a form of ideological compro-
mises. In other words, there are always ideological contents on the level of
the fundamental ideology that may stay dormant until the extremist artic-
ulation – usually calling for action – represents the unpleasant truth.
In general, terms such ideological contents – notions, concepts and
attitudes – are to be found within the legitimate framework, paradoxical-
ly maybe, in the development of the notion of human rights. There is no
doubt that the ideas of human rights played an indisputably crucial role in
the upheavals around the time of the “fall of the wall” that helped to end
the bi-polar division of the world. However, not long after a period of en-
thusiasm, the supposed universalism proved to be illusory, and simultane-
ously with a return to the dubious Realpolitik, the notion of human rights
relinquished its singular meaning to the signifiers of “civilisation”. Many
cases in the so-called post-communist time might be read in this sense: re-
lieving pressure on China on the account of its abuses of human rights in
the name of “higher” interests, the rather reluctant relief effort in Rwanda
(after a million deaths), the attitude of the West concerning the unspeak-
able tragedy of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Most obvious in this sense is the
recent arrogance of European politics against the final consequences of the
Arab Spring in a form of hundreds of thousands of refugees. Alain Badiou
58
finds its expression on the level of operative ideology stressing immediate
action. The extremism, which I have in mind here that is tied to the ideo-
logical notion of identity, relies more and more on “democratic” means, al-
though it inspires clandestine violent incidents as well. Such figures of the
contemporary politics such as Gianfranco Fini of the Italian National Al-
liance, or Marine Le Pen of the French National Front, or the American
Tea Party’s Sarah Palin, without mentioning nationalist post-communist
“democrats” all over the former Eastern Bloc, bear witness to the new strat-
egy of the extreme right in new global circumstances.
With regard to the tradition of the extremism, bolshevism and fas-
cism, universalism and particularism, it is obvious that time has come for
the right wing extremism. If we are to believe the media, the general au-
diences perceive as extremism the acts of either minority ethnic groups
(like IRA and ETA) or alien terrorists such as “Islamic fundamentalists”.
Although clearly this kind of extremism may not be justified, the media
suggestion of externalising the meaning of the notion of extremism points
towards legitimating the extremism that occupies its place among the dem-
ocratic parties or sometimes within them in a form of ideological compro-
mises. In other words, there are always ideological contents on the level of
the fundamental ideology that may stay dormant until the extremist artic-
ulation – usually calling for action – represents the unpleasant truth.
In general, terms such ideological contents – notions, concepts and
attitudes – are to be found within the legitimate framework, paradoxical-
ly maybe, in the development of the notion of human rights. There is no
doubt that the ideas of human rights played an indisputably crucial role in
the upheavals around the time of the “fall of the wall” that helped to end
the bi-polar division of the world. However, not long after a period of en-
thusiasm, the supposed universalism proved to be illusory, and simultane-
ously with a return to the dubious Realpolitik, the notion of human rights
relinquished its singular meaning to the signifiers of “civilisation”. Many
cases in the so-called post-communist time might be read in this sense: re-
lieving pressure on China on the account of its abuses of human rights in
the name of “higher” interests, the rather reluctant relief effort in Rwanda
(after a million deaths), the attitude of the West concerning the unspeak-
able tragedy of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Most obvious in this sense is the
recent arrogance of European politics against the final consequences of the
Arab Spring in a form of hundreds of thousands of refugees. Alain Badiou
58
