Page 159 - Šolsko polje, XXVIII, 2017, no. 3-4: Education and the American Dream, ed. Mitja Sardoč
P. 159
d. štrajn ■ perversion of the american dream
Done?” As the American counterpart of Pierre Bourdieu, regarding the
theory of social capital, Putnam envisions mostly long-term policies,
which should produce a restructuring of the complex schemes of econom-
ic, educational and cultural contexts on micro-level. “As our cases illus-
trate, it took several decades for economic malaise to undermine family
structures and community support; it took several decades for gaps in par-
enting and schooling to develop; and it will take decades more for the full
impact of those divergent childhood influences to manifest themselves
in adult lives” (ibid., Chapter 6). Politics is one among the dimensions in
which Putnam’s discourse is visibly invested. He joined the ranks of those
American social scientists who uttered loud warnings against possible
dire consequences of the deepening economic gap and the consequenc-
es of politics, which ignore the environmental crisis and other challenges.
“Inherited political inequality brings us uncomfortably close to the polit-
ical regime against which the American Revolution was fought” (ibid.).
Considering that his book was published before the unexpected politi-
cal turn in the USA in 2016, the implementation of policies, which could
help to reduce the effects of the erosion of equal opportunity, seems un-
likely in any near future. Among many reasonable suggestions and some
debatable ones, Putnam puts stress on two interconnected areas, which
require a long-term change. One is democratic participation and the oth-
er is education. His projection resembles somewhat the British Labour’s
Third Way programme, which contained a rather difficult-to-implement
combination of policies. Contrary to the British gradual conservative re-
pudiation of Blair’s government improvements inside the framework of
the neoliberal system, the American conservative answer to the ideas of
a reform to counter growing inequalities was quick and – as it seems in
the first half year of Trump’s presidency – harsher than anybody could
imagine. Therefore, Putnam’s suggestion of an improvement of schools
sounds grimly utopian although it is totally non-confrontational against
the system. “Many teachers in poor schools today are doing a heroic job,
driven by idealism, but in a market economy the most obvious way to at-
tract more and better teachers to such demanding work is to improve the
conditions of their employment” (ibid.).
Still, many dispersed movements in the American education, which
include “many teachers, who are doing a heroic job”, and who are allied
to the theories of critical pedagogy, represent some hope for a re-inter-
pretation, re-formulation and maybe even a re-invention of the American
Dream. Eventually, these movements point towards resistance against ne-
oliberalism.
157
Done?” As the American counterpart of Pierre Bourdieu, regarding the
theory of social capital, Putnam envisions mostly long-term policies,
which should produce a restructuring of the complex schemes of econom-
ic, educational and cultural contexts on micro-level. “As our cases illus-
trate, it took several decades for economic malaise to undermine family
structures and community support; it took several decades for gaps in par-
enting and schooling to develop; and it will take decades more for the full
impact of those divergent childhood influences to manifest themselves
in adult lives” (ibid., Chapter 6). Politics is one among the dimensions in
which Putnam’s discourse is visibly invested. He joined the ranks of those
American social scientists who uttered loud warnings against possible
dire consequences of the deepening economic gap and the consequenc-
es of politics, which ignore the environmental crisis and other challenges.
“Inherited political inequality brings us uncomfortably close to the polit-
ical regime against which the American Revolution was fought” (ibid.).
Considering that his book was published before the unexpected politi-
cal turn in the USA in 2016, the implementation of policies, which could
help to reduce the effects of the erosion of equal opportunity, seems un-
likely in any near future. Among many reasonable suggestions and some
debatable ones, Putnam puts stress on two interconnected areas, which
require a long-term change. One is democratic participation and the oth-
er is education. His projection resembles somewhat the British Labour’s
Third Way programme, which contained a rather difficult-to-implement
combination of policies. Contrary to the British gradual conservative re-
pudiation of Blair’s government improvements inside the framework of
the neoliberal system, the American conservative answer to the ideas of
a reform to counter growing inequalities was quick and – as it seems in
the first half year of Trump’s presidency – harsher than anybody could
imagine. Therefore, Putnam’s suggestion of an improvement of schools
sounds grimly utopian although it is totally non-confrontational against
the system. “Many teachers in poor schools today are doing a heroic job,
driven by idealism, but in a market economy the most obvious way to at-
tract more and better teachers to such demanding work is to improve the
conditions of their employment” (ibid.).
Still, many dispersed movements in the American education, which
include “many teachers, who are doing a heroic job”, and who are allied
to the theories of critical pedagogy, represent some hope for a re-inter-
pretation, re-formulation and maybe even a re-invention of the American
Dream. Eventually, these movements point towards resistance against ne-
oliberalism.
157
