Page 118 - Šolsko polje, XXVIII, 2017, no. 1-2: Etika in šola, ur. Marjan Šimenc in Mitja Sardoč
P. 118
šolsko polje, letnik xxviii, številka 1–2
institutional process. Dremelj (2003: pp. 149) points out that the particu
lar circumstances of modern society promote individualization, as well as
the erosion of social family networks, relatives and friends. Above all, in
developing young people’s attitudes to the elderly population, solidarity
within the family and the context of family life have at least two impor
tant implications. The first is the issue of care for the elderly, which focus
es on the relationship between the state and the family, especially when it
comes to their division of responsibilities for older people, since informal
family care for the elderly also covers the sphere of family life and the gen
dered division of labour: care for the elderly, family and kinship ties, are
all still considered typical women’s roles. The second implication relates
to the fact that older people play an important role in “providing assis
tance” in family life, primarily in providing child care. Thus, the aging of
the population plays a key role in intergenerational relationships and rela
tionships within the family, as well as in cooperation between the genera
tions (Hvalič Touzery, 2009: pp. 54–57).
Slovenia is confronted with circumstances similar to those found in
modern Western societies, mainly because of persistently low fertility and
increased longevity: while the proportion of newborn babies is being re
duced, the share of the people who work longer is growing.
Intensive aging and longevity require the creation of new relation
ships between the generations and changed positive intergenerational co
operation, especially between the younger and older generations. Social
changes, including modernization, have not only created longer lives, but
also changed the attitude towards older people even to the extent that the
elderly have become a social problem, the target of ageist behaviour by
younger people and the subject of gerontophobia. Beck (2007) in his “risk
society” theory, realized that the transition to an industrial society created
a society prone to productivity, and in accordance with its own interests
creates the image of older people as not independent, but as dependent on
others, unproductive and inactive members of society. The prevailing ste
reotypes about old age in society create a general negative attitude to age
and affect the perception of old age in human beings, which exerts a neg
ative effect on their self-esteem. Therefore, their expectations and require
ments are also low.
Nevertheless, all people are getting older, and by the time we also be
come older (if we live long enough), this completely natural process has
become a taboo, and older people are stereotyped with ageist and pater
nalistic views. When we talk about the old age taboo, we should not over
look the importance of ageism. The impact of ageism began in the mid-
1980s, at a time when the Americans developed a set of prejudices about
116
institutional process. Dremelj (2003: pp. 149) points out that the particu
lar circumstances of modern society promote individualization, as well as
the erosion of social family networks, relatives and friends. Above all, in
developing young people’s attitudes to the elderly population, solidarity
within the family and the context of family life have at least two impor
tant implications. The first is the issue of care for the elderly, which focus
es on the relationship between the state and the family, especially when it
comes to their division of responsibilities for older people, since informal
family care for the elderly also covers the sphere of family life and the gen
dered division of labour: care for the elderly, family and kinship ties, are
all still considered typical women’s roles. The second implication relates
to the fact that older people play an important role in “providing assis
tance” in family life, primarily in providing child care. Thus, the aging of
the population plays a key role in intergenerational relationships and rela
tionships within the family, as well as in cooperation between the genera
tions (Hvalič Touzery, 2009: pp. 54–57).
Slovenia is confronted with circumstances similar to those found in
modern Western societies, mainly because of persistently low fertility and
increased longevity: while the proportion of newborn babies is being re
duced, the share of the people who work longer is growing.
Intensive aging and longevity require the creation of new relation
ships between the generations and changed positive intergenerational co
operation, especially between the younger and older generations. Social
changes, including modernization, have not only created longer lives, but
also changed the attitude towards older people even to the extent that the
elderly have become a social problem, the target of ageist behaviour by
younger people and the subject of gerontophobia. Beck (2007) in his “risk
society” theory, realized that the transition to an industrial society created
a society prone to productivity, and in accordance with its own interests
creates the image of older people as not independent, but as dependent on
others, unproductive and inactive members of society. The prevailing ste
reotypes about old age in society create a general negative attitude to age
and affect the perception of old age in human beings, which exerts a neg
ative effect on their self-esteem. Therefore, their expectations and require
ments are also low.
Nevertheless, all people are getting older, and by the time we also be
come older (if we live long enough), this completely natural process has
become a taboo, and older people are stereotyped with ageist and pater
nalistic views. When we talk about the old age taboo, we should not over
look the importance of ageism. The impact of ageism began in the mid-
1980s, at a time when the Americans developed a set of prejudices about
116
