Page 43 - Šolsko polje, XXX, 2019, št. 5-6: Civic, citizenship and rhetorical education in a rapidly changing world, eds. Janja Žmavc and Plamen Mirazchiyski
P. 43
m. banjac ■ knowledge on political participation among basic school pupils
acquire civic skills and knowledge through hands-on experiences (Keat-
ing and Janmaat, 2015).
Although various citizenship programmes (within and between dif-
ferent countries) have different theoretical and contextual backgrounds,
they predominantly converge around one idea. They mostly concur that
just the transfer of knowledge is not enough but rather the range of skills
and competences and personal qualities should be fostered within citizen-
ship education if citizens are to be willing and able to participate and ex-
ert influence in political life. As such, citizenship education is repeatedly
regarded as an education instrument leading pupils to understand dem-
ocratic principles and processes, identity politics, citizens’ rights and re-
sponsibilities. As Print (2007) suggests, education for (democratic) citi-
zenship in schools entails learning about being citizens in a democracy
and having the opportunity to gain skills and values associated with po-
litical issues. Direct intention is therefore to prepare young people for ac-
tive citizenship, which implies democratic participation. It is frequent-
ly stressed (see, for example, Crick, 2004, p. 61) that knowledge, skills
and attitudes are mutually conditioned, while it is at the same time ar-
gued that citizenship education as an educational tool for political litera-
cy should be conceived and practiced so that it meets the needs of the vast
majority of young people. With this in mind, citizenship education as a
framework to motivate pupils to participate politically is often based on
the idea that not only abstract concepts are presented to them, but rath-
er the opposite, to secure their understanding of concepts drawn from the
everyday life and environment they are most familiar with. On the oth-
er hand, it is very crucial to highlight that participation skills are on their
own not enough. Young people should also acquire all the necessary (ba-
sic) knowledge about forms of political participation, available participa-
tive tools within democratic arrangements to ensure their political en-
gagement in wider democratic processes is informed, meaningful not just
for them but for society as a whole.
Notwithstanding the importance of citizenship education in dem-
ocratic societies, the current available frameworks for citizenship educa-
tion in different countries have been criticized from many different as-
pects (Garratt, 2000). In order to grasp and understand how citizenship
education can and does contribute in this or that way to political literacy
and knowledge of pupils about political participation, it seems reasonable
to identify and make sense of these critiques.
As Lawy and Biesta (2006) forcefully argue, one of the recurring
problems of citizenship education is its focus on individual young peo-
ple. In a variety of educational settings, citizenship education starts from
41
acquire civic skills and knowledge through hands-on experiences (Keat-
ing and Janmaat, 2015).
Although various citizenship programmes (within and between dif-
ferent countries) have different theoretical and contextual backgrounds,
they predominantly converge around one idea. They mostly concur that
just the transfer of knowledge is not enough but rather the range of skills
and competences and personal qualities should be fostered within citizen-
ship education if citizens are to be willing and able to participate and ex-
ert influence in political life. As such, citizenship education is repeatedly
regarded as an education instrument leading pupils to understand dem-
ocratic principles and processes, identity politics, citizens’ rights and re-
sponsibilities. As Print (2007) suggests, education for (democratic) citi-
zenship in schools entails learning about being citizens in a democracy
and having the opportunity to gain skills and values associated with po-
litical issues. Direct intention is therefore to prepare young people for ac-
tive citizenship, which implies democratic participation. It is frequent-
ly stressed (see, for example, Crick, 2004, p. 61) that knowledge, skills
and attitudes are mutually conditioned, while it is at the same time ar-
gued that citizenship education as an educational tool for political litera-
cy should be conceived and practiced so that it meets the needs of the vast
majority of young people. With this in mind, citizenship education as a
framework to motivate pupils to participate politically is often based on
the idea that not only abstract concepts are presented to them, but rath-
er the opposite, to secure their understanding of concepts drawn from the
everyday life and environment they are most familiar with. On the oth-
er hand, it is very crucial to highlight that participation skills are on their
own not enough. Young people should also acquire all the necessary (ba-
sic) knowledge about forms of political participation, available participa-
tive tools within democratic arrangements to ensure their political en-
gagement in wider democratic processes is informed, meaningful not just
for them but for society as a whole.
Notwithstanding the importance of citizenship education in dem-
ocratic societies, the current available frameworks for citizenship educa-
tion in different countries have been criticized from many different as-
pects (Garratt, 2000). In order to grasp and understand how citizenship
education can and does contribute in this or that way to political literacy
and knowledge of pupils about political participation, it seems reasonable
to identify and make sense of these critiques.
As Lawy and Biesta (2006) forcefully argue, one of the recurring
problems of citizenship education is its focus on individual young peo-
ple. In a variety of educational settings, citizenship education starts from
41
