Page 181 - Šolsko polje, XXX, 2019, št. 5-6: Civic, citizenship and rhetorical education in a rapidly changing world, eds. Janja Žmavc and Plamen Mirazchiyski
P. 181
book reviews
imities: where activism could become terrorism and where a lack of activ-
ism could become passivity endangering liberal democratic scenery.
These speculations bring us to closing remarks: In the model of the
active universal citizen, there are condensed all fore-mentioned dilem-
mas, normative agendas and (re)production paths of making/remaking
citizens of liberal democracies. Civic and citizenship education in norma-
tive political spaces is (to unite unaptly separated notions of inherent/(re)
produced tension from the beginning of the review) – inherently repro-
ductive. It also “involves” numerous “compressed ambiguities” in universal
citizen –the imagined product of normative civic education. Compressed
ambiguities derive from second-order concepts scattered (almost) random-
ly across the curriculum. Second-order concepts (solidarity, equality, jus-
tice, allegiance, tolerance, respect) as Strandbrink defines them, are glued
to more fundamental conceptions: their function in identity formation is
that of adjectives. Fundamental concepts or first-order concepts are more
comprehensive and deeply collectively embedded – usually rooted in reli-
gion, nationality or political belonging. Impotency of the educational sys-
tem in civic and citizenship matters is double-layered: first, it arrives from
the inherent impossibility of regulating educational input and output. And
secondly, it is connected to second-order conceptual patchwork present in
attempts to construe normative civic and citizenship education. For now,
its primary role is “negative” – sustaining the normative zero. Here, we can
again picture a modelled active citizen, designed to behave civically, to vote
regularly, to act respectfully, to decide wisely and to deliberate when ap-
propriate. This citizen is democratically sensible, humanitarian (but not ex-
cessively), tolerant and open-minded but aware of their roots, the im-
portance of traditional values and social cohesion. Any swing in passivity
or radicalism, into carelessness or heated political beliefs is prevented by
normative civic education. Any leap into ignorance of public matters or
into reckless activism, anarchism, fascism, loud voicing of concerns (may it
be boycotting the Israeli national orchestra, squatting on oil platforms or
loudly opposing burkinis in a thermal spa) is strongly discouraged and in-
stantly regulated.
Literature
Kodelja, Z. (2011) Is education for patriotism morally required, permitted or
unacceptable? Studies in Philosophy and Education 30(2), pp. 127–140.
Štrajn, D. (2004) Politika vzgoje identitete in razlike. Šolsko polje 15(1-2), pp.
85–94.
Lucija Klun
doi: https://www.doi.org/10.32320/1581-6044.30(5-6)175-179
179
imities: where activism could become terrorism and where a lack of activ-
ism could become passivity endangering liberal democratic scenery.
These speculations bring us to closing remarks: In the model of the
active universal citizen, there are condensed all fore-mentioned dilem-
mas, normative agendas and (re)production paths of making/remaking
citizens of liberal democracies. Civic and citizenship education in norma-
tive political spaces is (to unite unaptly separated notions of inherent/(re)
produced tension from the beginning of the review) – inherently repro-
ductive. It also “involves” numerous “compressed ambiguities” in universal
citizen –the imagined product of normative civic education. Compressed
ambiguities derive from second-order concepts scattered (almost) random-
ly across the curriculum. Second-order concepts (solidarity, equality, jus-
tice, allegiance, tolerance, respect) as Strandbrink defines them, are glued
to more fundamental conceptions: their function in identity formation is
that of adjectives. Fundamental concepts or first-order concepts are more
comprehensive and deeply collectively embedded – usually rooted in reli-
gion, nationality or political belonging. Impotency of the educational sys-
tem in civic and citizenship matters is double-layered: first, it arrives from
the inherent impossibility of regulating educational input and output. And
secondly, it is connected to second-order conceptual patchwork present in
attempts to construe normative civic and citizenship education. For now,
its primary role is “negative” – sustaining the normative zero. Here, we can
again picture a modelled active citizen, designed to behave civically, to vote
regularly, to act respectfully, to decide wisely and to deliberate when ap-
propriate. This citizen is democratically sensible, humanitarian (but not ex-
cessively), tolerant and open-minded but aware of their roots, the im-
portance of traditional values and social cohesion. Any swing in passivity
or radicalism, into carelessness or heated political beliefs is prevented by
normative civic education. Any leap into ignorance of public matters or
into reckless activism, anarchism, fascism, loud voicing of concerns (may it
be boycotting the Israeli national orchestra, squatting on oil platforms or
loudly opposing burkinis in a thermal spa) is strongly discouraged and in-
stantly regulated.
Literature
Kodelja, Z. (2011) Is education for patriotism morally required, permitted or
unacceptable? Studies in Philosophy and Education 30(2), pp. 127–140.
Štrajn, D. (2004) Politika vzgoje identitete in razlike. Šolsko polje 15(1-2), pp.
85–94.
Lucija Klun
doi: https://www.doi.org/10.32320/1581-6044.30(5-6)175-179
179
