Page 150 - Šolsko polje, XXIX, 2018, no. 5-6: Radicalization, Violent Extremism and Conflicting Diversity, eds. Mitja Sardoč and Tomaž Deželan
P. 150
šolsko polje, letnik xxix, številka 5–6
(2018), almost 13,000 Slovenians died in Italian, German, Croatian and
Hungarian concentration camps, of which the majority in Riseria di San
Sabba in Trieste, a sub-camp of Auschwitz, – over four thousand. During
WWII, almost 59,000 Slovenians were interred in concentration camps,
of which 36,000 in the Italian camps of Rab, Gonars, Renicci and Visco.
What is the horizon of beliefs and judgements of this world, adopted
by those who in 2015 and even today want a repeat of the experience, call-
ing for new extermination in the case of the refugees and offering “migra-
tion through the stacks?” Copsey (2018) finds that, in political science to-
day, the line separating the radical right and fascist is hard to define. He
believes that the (neo)fascism of the past is the best way to understand the
modern radical right, but this chain of reasoning is missing a link. One
part of this link is the casual epistemic fascism, wearing the disguise of
many forms of adoration of the Third Reich, and expressed in the belief
that the time is coming for Hitler to walk among us. The distinction be-
tween the causal epistemic and the full-fledged fascism may explain the
magnitude of the phenomenon: the rise of radical movements, right wing
popularise, nationalism across Europe and the world cannot be explained
by counting actions and memberships alone. It also allows for a more seri-
ous consideration of fascism even when fascism appears at the level of indi-
viduals’ convictions, and even when it is remedied, though treated it with
insufficient gravity and due analysis, upon detection on social networks.
In 1995 Umberto Eco wrote:
Ur-fascism is still present, sometimes, even surprisingly in the open. It
would be a lot easier for us, if someone appeared and said: ‘I want to re-
open Auschwitz, I want the Black Shirts to parade the squares of Italy
again.” Life is not that simple. Ur-fascism may return in the meekest of
disguises. It is our duty to expose it and point a finger at any of its new
versions – each and every day and in every corner of the world.
Eco’s choice, the one he considered easier, is before us: this paper lists suf-
ficient evidence of the existence of not just ur-fascism as a structural reali-
ty, but even in the form of a desire to reawaken and reopen concentration
camps; and we should not be lulled by the fact that it is present amongst
Facebook users alone. Erlah’s example explains why, for reasons that are
incomprehensible, we cannot prosecute and limit fascism in accordance
with our criminal legislation. In this regard, it is imperative that we be
guided by methodological inhibitions. It is not just that there are not any
substantial reasons to believe that the philosophy of life of the mentioned
Facebook users harbours “full-fledged” convictions on the imperative of
fascist transformation of Europe and the arrival of a saviour in the guise
148
(2018), almost 13,000 Slovenians died in Italian, German, Croatian and
Hungarian concentration camps, of which the majority in Riseria di San
Sabba in Trieste, a sub-camp of Auschwitz, – over four thousand. During
WWII, almost 59,000 Slovenians were interred in concentration camps,
of which 36,000 in the Italian camps of Rab, Gonars, Renicci and Visco.
What is the horizon of beliefs and judgements of this world, adopted
by those who in 2015 and even today want a repeat of the experience, call-
ing for new extermination in the case of the refugees and offering “migra-
tion through the stacks?” Copsey (2018) finds that, in political science to-
day, the line separating the radical right and fascist is hard to define. He
believes that the (neo)fascism of the past is the best way to understand the
modern radical right, but this chain of reasoning is missing a link. One
part of this link is the casual epistemic fascism, wearing the disguise of
many forms of adoration of the Third Reich, and expressed in the belief
that the time is coming for Hitler to walk among us. The distinction be-
tween the causal epistemic and the full-fledged fascism may explain the
magnitude of the phenomenon: the rise of radical movements, right wing
popularise, nationalism across Europe and the world cannot be explained
by counting actions and memberships alone. It also allows for a more seri-
ous consideration of fascism even when fascism appears at the level of indi-
viduals’ convictions, and even when it is remedied, though treated it with
insufficient gravity and due analysis, upon detection on social networks.
In 1995 Umberto Eco wrote:
Ur-fascism is still present, sometimes, even surprisingly in the open. It
would be a lot easier for us, if someone appeared and said: ‘I want to re-
open Auschwitz, I want the Black Shirts to parade the squares of Italy
again.” Life is not that simple. Ur-fascism may return in the meekest of
disguises. It is our duty to expose it and point a finger at any of its new
versions – each and every day and in every corner of the world.
Eco’s choice, the one he considered easier, is before us: this paper lists suf-
ficient evidence of the existence of not just ur-fascism as a structural reali-
ty, but even in the form of a desire to reawaken and reopen concentration
camps; and we should not be lulled by the fact that it is present amongst
Facebook users alone. Erlah’s example explains why, for reasons that are
incomprehensible, we cannot prosecute and limit fascism in accordance
with our criminal legislation. In this regard, it is imperative that we be
guided by methodological inhibitions. It is not just that there are not any
substantial reasons to believe that the philosophy of life of the mentioned
Facebook users harbours “full-fledged” convictions on the imperative of
fascist transformation of Europe and the arrival of a saviour in the guise
148
