Page 118 - Šolsko polje, XXIX, 2018, no. 1-2: The Language of Neoliberal Education, ed. Mitja Sardoč
P. 118
šolsko polje, letnik xxix, številka 1–2
have become an important indicator of national political and econom-
ic power (Wiseman, 2010). The belief occurred that the competitiveness
of the economy and its position in the global marketplace will be increas-
ingly dependent on the level of employees’ knowledge and skills, where-
by it is assumed there is a connection between countries’ future econom-
ic performance and the current achievements of their school population.
The presented discourse facilitates a deepening of the European coopera-
tion in the field of education towards what is preferred by the EU, while
the member states have over the past few years – in the circumstances of
the economic crisis – been following the EU more so than before, aiming
to maintain their competitiveness within the knowledge-based economy
(also see Tsarouhas, 2009).
According to Alexiadou (2016) and Schmidt (2008), both, coordina-
tive discourse, which present a neoliberal (economic oriented) content of
education (e.g. knowledge-economy, human capital, competences, com-
petitiveness) and communicative discourse, which is based on neoliberal
ideology on how to steer society (e.g. through goals, standards, transpar-
ency, accountability, evidence-based policy making), are equally impor-
tant. The latter covers the normative discourse about an appropriate insti-
tutional framework that enables a goal or idea to be achieved and a causal
belief regarding how governance works and affects the achievement of
goals. In the next section, we attempt to explain its reception on the case
study of Slovenia.
Insights from Slovenia
The educational system in present-day Slovenia is characterised by a long
history.8 A turning point in its development occurred in the 1990s, follow-
ing Slovenia’s independence in 1991. Slovenia introduced new legislation
that regulates the entire educational system, from pre-school to universi-
ty education (1993–1996). Since then, legislation that regulates the man-
agement, organisation and financing of education has undergone many
changes. These changes relate to specific issues and have been, at least to a
limited extent, subject to conformity with the requirements of Slovenia’s
membership in the EU (Ministry of Education and Sport, 2007). The
Slovenian White paper on education (1995) as well Slovenian research-
ers report that from Slovenia’s independence onwards, Europe has been
seen as a very important reference in reforming the Slovenian education-
al system (Štrajn, 2004: pp. 51–54). Kodelja (2007: p. 40) claims that the
reform of the Slovenian educational system took place in line with the
8 According to Štremfel and Lajh (2012), the educational policy of Slovenia can be divided
in four phases: imperialistic, supervised, sovereign and globalised.
116
have become an important indicator of national political and econom-
ic power (Wiseman, 2010). The belief occurred that the competitiveness
of the economy and its position in the global marketplace will be increas-
ingly dependent on the level of employees’ knowledge and skills, where-
by it is assumed there is a connection between countries’ future econom-
ic performance and the current achievements of their school population.
The presented discourse facilitates a deepening of the European coopera-
tion in the field of education towards what is preferred by the EU, while
the member states have over the past few years – in the circumstances of
the economic crisis – been following the EU more so than before, aiming
to maintain their competitiveness within the knowledge-based economy
(also see Tsarouhas, 2009).
According to Alexiadou (2016) and Schmidt (2008), both, coordina-
tive discourse, which present a neoliberal (economic oriented) content of
education (e.g. knowledge-economy, human capital, competences, com-
petitiveness) and communicative discourse, which is based on neoliberal
ideology on how to steer society (e.g. through goals, standards, transpar-
ency, accountability, evidence-based policy making), are equally impor-
tant. The latter covers the normative discourse about an appropriate insti-
tutional framework that enables a goal or idea to be achieved and a causal
belief regarding how governance works and affects the achievement of
goals. In the next section, we attempt to explain its reception on the case
study of Slovenia.
Insights from Slovenia
The educational system in present-day Slovenia is characterised by a long
history.8 A turning point in its development occurred in the 1990s, follow-
ing Slovenia’s independence in 1991. Slovenia introduced new legislation
that regulates the entire educational system, from pre-school to universi-
ty education (1993–1996). Since then, legislation that regulates the man-
agement, organisation and financing of education has undergone many
changes. These changes relate to specific issues and have been, at least to a
limited extent, subject to conformity with the requirements of Slovenia’s
membership in the EU (Ministry of Education and Sport, 2007). The
Slovenian White paper on education (1995) as well Slovenian research-
ers report that from Slovenia’s independence onwards, Europe has been
seen as a very important reference in reforming the Slovenian education-
al system (Štrajn, 2004: pp. 51–54). Kodelja (2007: p. 40) claims that the
reform of the Slovenian educational system took place in line with the
8 According to Štremfel and Lajh (2012), the educational policy of Slovenia can be divided
in four phases: imperialistic, supervised, sovereign and globalised.
116
