Page 93 - Štremfel, Urška, and Maša Vidmar (eds.). 2018. Early School Leaving: Contemporary European Perspectives. Ljubljana: Pedagoški inštitut.
P. 93
the esl situation in spain
target that remains a major challenge in education, gaps in this area were
substantially reduced in 2015 and 2016 (EC, 2017).
The ESL rate in Spain increases with age and the educational levels of
both parents are relevant (IVIE, 2013). The parents of about 80% of ESLers
in Spain have a low level of education, regarded as one of the biggest factors
that influence ESL (Lastra-Bravo, Tolón-Becerra & Salinas-Andújar, 2013).
As Merino and Garcia (2011) state by way of summary of their chapter, fac-
tors helping to explain school failure in Spain include the »supply-side«
characteristics of individuals and their families, the »demand-side« char-
acteristics of labour markets and the ‘institutional’ factor, namely what
schools are able to and in fact do to increase or reduce ESL. Two authors
(Vallejo & Dooly, 2013) combined the results of studies in Spain that ana-
lysed the structural and social causes of the country’s high levels of ESL.
They present them in two groups; exogenous factors: those affecting the
education system but with origins in the social context (socio-economic
conditions, ethnic origin, the cultural capital of families, geographical var-
iations in ESL ratios); and endogenous factors: those depending on the edu-
cational norms and regulations (subjective evaluation procedures to obtain
final certificates, which are set to change under the recent reform, curric-
ulum contents and their relationship to the number of years required for
each cycle).
Insight into tackling the ESL issue in Spain
Reducing ESL was identified as a specific objective in 2006 in the Organic
Law on Education (Ley Organica de Educacion, LOE). Called the Organic
Act for the Improvement of the Quality of Education (Ley Orgánica para
la Mejora de la Calidad Educativa LOMCE), the 2013 version of the docu-
ment acknowledges the high level of ESL as one of the reform’s main driv-
ers (EC/EACEA/Eurydice/Cedefop, 2014). Spain has a clear understanding
that tackling ESL requires a partnership approach, which includes the edu-
cation community in its broader sense (Nevala et al., 2011). The Ministry of
Education has created specific units to implement, coordinate and monitor
policies regarding ESL (EC, 2013). It is adapting strategies to the varying so-
cio-economic circumstances or the disparities in ESL rates in regions or lo-
calities across the country (EC/EACEA/Eurydice/Cedefop, 2014).
In 2008, the Ministry of Education and the Education Administrations
of the Autonomous Communities agreed on the “Plan to reduce ESL”. It
contains a clear framework for policies, projects, proposals and a general
93
target that remains a major challenge in education, gaps in this area were
substantially reduced in 2015 and 2016 (EC, 2017).
The ESL rate in Spain increases with age and the educational levels of
both parents are relevant (IVIE, 2013). The parents of about 80% of ESLers
in Spain have a low level of education, regarded as one of the biggest factors
that influence ESL (Lastra-Bravo, Tolón-Becerra & Salinas-Andújar, 2013).
As Merino and Garcia (2011) state by way of summary of their chapter, fac-
tors helping to explain school failure in Spain include the »supply-side«
characteristics of individuals and their families, the »demand-side« char-
acteristics of labour markets and the ‘institutional’ factor, namely what
schools are able to and in fact do to increase or reduce ESL. Two authors
(Vallejo & Dooly, 2013) combined the results of studies in Spain that ana-
lysed the structural and social causes of the country’s high levels of ESL.
They present them in two groups; exogenous factors: those affecting the
education system but with origins in the social context (socio-economic
conditions, ethnic origin, the cultural capital of families, geographical var-
iations in ESL ratios); and endogenous factors: those depending on the edu-
cational norms and regulations (subjective evaluation procedures to obtain
final certificates, which are set to change under the recent reform, curric-
ulum contents and their relationship to the number of years required for
each cycle).
Insight into tackling the ESL issue in Spain
Reducing ESL was identified as a specific objective in 2006 in the Organic
Law on Education (Ley Organica de Educacion, LOE). Called the Organic
Act for the Improvement of the Quality of Education (Ley Orgánica para
la Mejora de la Calidad Educativa LOMCE), the 2013 version of the docu-
ment acknowledges the high level of ESL as one of the reform’s main driv-
ers (EC/EACEA/Eurydice/Cedefop, 2014). Spain has a clear understanding
that tackling ESL requires a partnership approach, which includes the edu-
cation community in its broader sense (Nevala et al., 2011). The Ministry of
Education has created specific units to implement, coordinate and monitor
policies regarding ESL (EC, 2013). It is adapting strategies to the varying so-
cio-economic circumstances or the disparities in ESL rates in regions or lo-
calities across the country (EC/EACEA/Eurydice/Cedefop, 2014).
In 2008, the Ministry of Education and the Education Administrations
of the Autonomous Communities agreed on the “Plan to reduce ESL”. It
contains a clear framework for policies, projects, proposals and a general
93
