Page 357 - Štremfel, Urška, and Maša Vidmar (eds.). 2018. Early School Leaving: Contemporary European Perspectives. Ljubljana: Pedagoški inštitut.
P. 357
why is esl a problem for contemporary (eu) society?
the market); social (impact on society as a whole and not directly observ-
able); fiscal (taking the form of foregone benefits). Noting that the costs of
ESL typically last the course of an individual’s lifetime, Dale (2010) and the
European Commission (n.d.) explain how these categories may also be un-
derstood as the short-term (private costs), medium-term (social and eco-
nomic costs in the form of lower income, reduced tax revenues and higher
costs of public services related, for example, to healthcare, criminal justice
and social benefit payments, leading to low economic growth) and long-
term consequences of ESL (social and economic development). These dis-
cussions closely correspond with discussions on the role of education in
contemporary EU society where quality education is defined as a prerequi-
site for social cohesion and economic growth (Lisbon Strategy) and smart,
sustainable and inclusive growth (Europe 2020 Strategy).
Apart from the economic studies that prevail in this area, several oth-
er research studies come into play, ranging from sociology to medicine, po-
litical and to a limited extent educational science. Hankivsky (2008) ex-
plained that, as case studies of such research, the literature is dominated
by the USA (e.g. Belfield & Levin, 2007; Chaplin & Lermar, 1997; Cohen,
1998) and to some extent Australia (e.g. Business Council of Australia,
2003; Lamb, Dwyer, & Wynn, 2000) and Canada (e.g. Human Resource
Development of Canada, 2000) and that European countries have more or
less been absent. Almost a decade after Hankivsky’s review, some studies
presenting the consequences of ESL for particular member states and the
EU as a whole can be identified (for a review, see Brunello & De Paola, 2013;
European Commission, n.d.), yet those from the USA (e.g. Catterall, 2011;
Sum, Khatiwada, & McLaughlin, 2009), Australia (e.g. Deloitte, 2012; Lamb
& Huo, 2017) and Canada (e.g. Canadian Council on Learning, 2009) con-
tinue to prevail. Since ESL is a social phenomenon, also highly influenced
by system-level factors, the article elaborates on the consequences of ESL
in the EU context. It looks at other countries only to a limited extent in or-
der to make some comparisons or provide valuable data that is missing in
the EU setting.
Since the private and social costs of ESL are already addressed in the
TITA scientific base from the standpoint of the individual ESLer, this con-
tribution focuses on the medium- and long-term social and fiscal (econom-
ic) consequences of ESL.1 As such, it addresses the question “Why is ESL a
1 Psacharopoulos (2007) explains there is also a considerable overlap among the (pri-
vate, social and fiscal) consequences of ESL. For example, a low level of education
357
the market); social (impact on society as a whole and not directly observ-
able); fiscal (taking the form of foregone benefits). Noting that the costs of
ESL typically last the course of an individual’s lifetime, Dale (2010) and the
European Commission (n.d.) explain how these categories may also be un-
derstood as the short-term (private costs), medium-term (social and eco-
nomic costs in the form of lower income, reduced tax revenues and higher
costs of public services related, for example, to healthcare, criminal justice
and social benefit payments, leading to low economic growth) and long-
term consequences of ESL (social and economic development). These dis-
cussions closely correspond with discussions on the role of education in
contemporary EU society where quality education is defined as a prerequi-
site for social cohesion and economic growth (Lisbon Strategy) and smart,
sustainable and inclusive growth (Europe 2020 Strategy).
Apart from the economic studies that prevail in this area, several oth-
er research studies come into play, ranging from sociology to medicine, po-
litical and to a limited extent educational science. Hankivsky (2008) ex-
plained that, as case studies of such research, the literature is dominated
by the USA (e.g. Belfield & Levin, 2007; Chaplin & Lermar, 1997; Cohen,
1998) and to some extent Australia (e.g. Business Council of Australia,
2003; Lamb, Dwyer, & Wynn, 2000) and Canada (e.g. Human Resource
Development of Canada, 2000) and that European countries have more or
less been absent. Almost a decade after Hankivsky’s review, some studies
presenting the consequences of ESL for particular member states and the
EU as a whole can be identified (for a review, see Brunello & De Paola, 2013;
European Commission, n.d.), yet those from the USA (e.g. Catterall, 2011;
Sum, Khatiwada, & McLaughlin, 2009), Australia (e.g. Deloitte, 2012; Lamb
& Huo, 2017) and Canada (e.g. Canadian Council on Learning, 2009) con-
tinue to prevail. Since ESL is a social phenomenon, also highly influenced
by system-level factors, the article elaborates on the consequences of ESL
in the EU context. It looks at other countries only to a limited extent in or-
der to make some comparisons or provide valuable data that is missing in
the EU setting.
Since the private and social costs of ESL are already addressed in the
TITA scientific base from the standpoint of the individual ESLer, this con-
tribution focuses on the medium- and long-term social and fiscal (econom-
ic) consequences of ESL.1 As such, it addresses the question “Why is ESL a
1 Psacharopoulos (2007) explains there is also a considerable overlap among the (pri-
vate, social and fiscal) consequences of ESL. For example, a low level of education
357
