Page 163 - Štremfel, Urška, and Maša Vidmar (eds.). 2018. Early School Leaving: Contemporary European Perspectives. Ljubljana: Pedagoški inštitut.
P. 163
the interplay of factors contributing to esl at the school level
Rumberger, 2011). Indeed, almost 50% of the respondents reported that a
key reason for ESL was that classes were not interesting and they were bored
(Bridgeland, DiIulio, & Morison, 2006). The ESLers in the interviews men-
tion the need for a more balanced, practical and real-life-based provision
of the curriculum, with more physical activities and hands-on approaches
(Houses of the Oireachtas, 2010; Lee & Miu-Ling Ip, 2003; McGarr, 2010).
Another important aspect is formative assessment (European Commission,
2014) that evaluates a student’s progress and provides feedback to allow for
improvement (OECD, 2008).
Moreover, the institutional providing of and encouragement to par-
ticipate in extracurricular activities may contribute to a student’s sense of
identification with the school, belonging to the school and may be a prima-
ry source of attachment to the school for students who are not as successful
academically – in this sense, they may contribute to lower ESL (Finn, 1989).
School climate and disciplinary practices
Most studies examine the effects of different aspects of the school academ-
ic and disciplinary climate, including student-teacher relationships. A lit-
erature review (Rumberger & Lim, 2008) found that the general school cli-
mate (e.g. school loyalty and a low level of problem-student behaviour (i.e.,
fighting, cutting class)) and a strong academic climate (i.e. more students
in academic tracks) reduced the likelihood of ESL, while a poor discipli-
nary climate (e.g. student reports of student disruptions in class or disci-
pline problems in the school) and feeling unsafe increased the chances of
ESL (also see Houses of the Oireachtas, 2010). McNeal did not find academ-
ic climate (a strong emphasis on academic achievement) as impacting ESL
(1997). Positive student-teacher relations also reduced the risk of ESL (Byrne
& Smyth, 2010; Hymel & Ford, 2014; Lee & Burkham, 2003). The authorita-
tiveness of teachers and their fairness were identified as important in inter-
views with ESLers (Lee & Miu-Ling Ip, 2003). On a similar note, the liter-
ature review by Audas and Willms (2001) highlights that ESLers perceived
the teacher to be less interested in the students and that perceived disci-
plinary practices were ineffective, unclear and unfairly applied. Downes
(2013a) also identified school expulsion and suspension (usually both hap-
pen for non-academic reasons) as problematic in terms of ESL; instead, he
proposed a multiplicity of intervention approaches to different ESL pre-
vention issues. Moreover, a climate of teasing and bullying (as reported by
students and teachers) increased the percentage of ESLers after controlling
163
Rumberger, 2011). Indeed, almost 50% of the respondents reported that a
key reason for ESL was that classes were not interesting and they were bored
(Bridgeland, DiIulio, & Morison, 2006). The ESLers in the interviews men-
tion the need for a more balanced, practical and real-life-based provision
of the curriculum, with more physical activities and hands-on approaches
(Houses of the Oireachtas, 2010; Lee & Miu-Ling Ip, 2003; McGarr, 2010).
Another important aspect is formative assessment (European Commission,
2014) that evaluates a student’s progress and provides feedback to allow for
improvement (OECD, 2008).
Moreover, the institutional providing of and encouragement to par-
ticipate in extracurricular activities may contribute to a student’s sense of
identification with the school, belonging to the school and may be a prima-
ry source of attachment to the school for students who are not as successful
academically – in this sense, they may contribute to lower ESL (Finn, 1989).
School climate and disciplinary practices
Most studies examine the effects of different aspects of the school academ-
ic and disciplinary climate, including student-teacher relationships. A lit-
erature review (Rumberger & Lim, 2008) found that the general school cli-
mate (e.g. school loyalty and a low level of problem-student behaviour (i.e.,
fighting, cutting class)) and a strong academic climate (i.e. more students
in academic tracks) reduced the likelihood of ESL, while a poor discipli-
nary climate (e.g. student reports of student disruptions in class or disci-
pline problems in the school) and feeling unsafe increased the chances of
ESL (also see Houses of the Oireachtas, 2010). McNeal did not find academ-
ic climate (a strong emphasis on academic achievement) as impacting ESL
(1997). Positive student-teacher relations also reduced the risk of ESL (Byrne
& Smyth, 2010; Hymel & Ford, 2014; Lee & Burkham, 2003). The authorita-
tiveness of teachers and their fairness were identified as important in inter-
views with ESLers (Lee & Miu-Ling Ip, 2003). On a similar note, the liter-
ature review by Audas and Willms (2001) highlights that ESLers perceived
the teacher to be less interested in the students and that perceived disci-
plinary practices were ineffective, unclear and unfairly applied. Downes
(2013a) also identified school expulsion and suspension (usually both hap-
pen for non-academic reasons) as problematic in terms of ESL; instead, he
proposed a multiplicity of intervention approaches to different ESL pre-
vention issues. Moreover, a climate of teasing and bullying (as reported by
students and teachers) increased the percentage of ESLers after controlling
163
