Page 130 - Šolsko polje, XXXI, 2020, 5-6: Teaching Feminism, ed. Valerija Vendramin
P. 130
šolsko polje, letnik xxxi, številka 5–6
to the processes of the construction of male gender identity as markedly
subjected to normativity and performativity, which require teenagers to
evidently put themselves in a relationship and comparison with the norm.
Because the majority of boys and men do not meet the ideal of hegemonic
masculinity, but nonetheless compare with it and are also constantly con-
trolled by the peer group, the pressure of disciplining is constant.
In the aforementioned British study (Frosh et al., 2002, p. 116), the
boys were asked what they liked in girls and what kind of girl they would
choose to be their partner. Most of them glorified the girls’ “difference”
from boys, and constructed them as more serious, capable of making a
conversation, being good students etc. As the essential criterion for a po-
tentially more intimate relationship, the boys put forward the girl’s femi-
nine’ looks and outfit. Although they also pointed out that they can have
a good relationship with girls with more boyish looks, talk to them and
even let them play football with them, they would not “date” such a girl.
This can be explained by the choice and looks of their partner for some
boys being in the function of confirming their heterosexuality among
their peers. The expressed feminine looks of the girl who occupies the po-
sition of the boy’s partner, which the girl achieves with the adequate sex-
ualisation of her looks through her outfit, confirms and strengthens the
boy’s heterosexuality, while a partner with more boyish looks might imply
his homosexuality. Thus, what in feminism is interpreted as male domi-
nation over the spectacle function of the sexualisation of women’s dress-
ing is shown as the dispositive of subordination of boys to the heterosexu-
al norm of hegemonic masculinity and peer pressure. Therefore, external
looks and outfit are important for the processes of constructing “normal”
male gender identity and for the peer identity negotiation in two ways.
First, through the aestheticisation of one’s looks – the more the outfit will
express toughness, sportiness, physical strength and rebellion against the
dominant values of the school culture, such as tidiness, decency, order-
liness, good behaviour, subordination etc., the more it will correspond
to the norms of hegemonic masculinity; and further on with the sexual
choice, that is, the looks of their female partner that must be adequately
feminine and sexualised to confirm the heterosexuality of the boy, which
is the constitutive norm of hegemonic masculinity.3 The apparent absence
3 It needs to be pointed out that what is presented here is a very schematic and stereotypical,
and accordingly exaggerated, outline of certain segments of the processes of teenagers’ en-
gendering that refer to taking care of one’s looks. The engendering processes outlined in this
article affect some teenagers more than others, some are subjected to them, while others con-
sciously decide to deploy different ways of engendering or are faced with different challeng-
es. In fact, given the assumption that a specific outfit is important for establishing of gender
identities, it would be especially interesting to make research into just the opposite strategies:
128
to the processes of the construction of male gender identity as markedly
subjected to normativity and performativity, which require teenagers to
evidently put themselves in a relationship and comparison with the norm.
Because the majority of boys and men do not meet the ideal of hegemonic
masculinity, but nonetheless compare with it and are also constantly con-
trolled by the peer group, the pressure of disciplining is constant.
In the aforementioned British study (Frosh et al., 2002, p. 116), the
boys were asked what they liked in girls and what kind of girl they would
choose to be their partner. Most of them glorified the girls’ “difference”
from boys, and constructed them as more serious, capable of making a
conversation, being good students etc. As the essential criterion for a po-
tentially more intimate relationship, the boys put forward the girl’s femi-
nine’ looks and outfit. Although they also pointed out that they can have
a good relationship with girls with more boyish looks, talk to them and
even let them play football with them, they would not “date” such a girl.
This can be explained by the choice and looks of their partner for some
boys being in the function of confirming their heterosexuality among
their peers. The expressed feminine looks of the girl who occupies the po-
sition of the boy’s partner, which the girl achieves with the adequate sex-
ualisation of her looks through her outfit, confirms and strengthens the
boy’s heterosexuality, while a partner with more boyish looks might imply
his homosexuality. Thus, what in feminism is interpreted as male domi-
nation over the spectacle function of the sexualisation of women’s dress-
ing is shown as the dispositive of subordination of boys to the heterosexu-
al norm of hegemonic masculinity and peer pressure. Therefore, external
looks and outfit are important for the processes of constructing “normal”
male gender identity and for the peer identity negotiation in two ways.
First, through the aestheticisation of one’s looks – the more the outfit will
express toughness, sportiness, physical strength and rebellion against the
dominant values of the school culture, such as tidiness, decency, order-
liness, good behaviour, subordination etc., the more it will correspond
to the norms of hegemonic masculinity; and further on with the sexual
choice, that is, the looks of their female partner that must be adequately
feminine and sexualised to confirm the heterosexuality of the boy, which
is the constitutive norm of hegemonic masculinity.3 The apparent absence
3 It needs to be pointed out that what is presented here is a very schematic and stereotypical,
and accordingly exaggerated, outline of certain segments of the processes of teenagers’ en-
gendering that refer to taking care of one’s looks. The engendering processes outlined in this
article affect some teenagers more than others, some are subjected to them, while others con-
sciously decide to deploy different ways of engendering or are faced with different challeng-
es. In fact, given the assumption that a specific outfit is important for establishing of gender
identities, it would be especially interesting to make research into just the opposite strategies:
128
