Page 42 - Šolsko polje, XXIX, 2018, no. 5-6: Radicalization, Violent Extremism and Conflicting Diversity, eds. Mitja Sardoč and Tomaž Deželan
P. 42
šolsko polje, letnik xxix, številka 5–6
grievances, international events) and through association with people
supporting and/or promoting a violent extremist ideology. These associ-
ations or relationships can occur in person (face to face) but they often
take place online. The consumption of extremist media and/or messag-
ing promotes violent ideological norms through which a person becomes
convinced that violence is a legitimate means to advance their ideological
causes or beliefs.
In reviewing these imprecise indicators, what is most prevalent is
the relative normalcy that leads an individual to become radicalized.
There is a particular historical perspective that is positioned in a par-
ticular way to promote the particular norms and values that are to be
perpetuated and amplified. The individual identifies with the group and
with the values that resonate with the individual, whether it be disillu-
sionment, frustration, disenfranchisement, or isolation at the one end of
the spectrum to that of heroism, valorization, heightened recognition,
or martyrdom on the other. The move toward extremist views and acts
of terror may remove the suffering of the one event and highlight the
suffering and plight of the people for whom have historically or present-
ly commonly feel atrocities over a longer period. In this way those who
move to more radicalized groups may see that their views are not to their
own benefit but serving the greater need of those who have suffered, and
thus create a moral distinction between that of a criminal to one who is
sacrificing oneself to the benefit of others (Richardson, 2007). The na-
ture of youth who becomes radicalized is not half crazed, or a villain,
or evil. The weight of their values and arguments have been shaped and
constructed within the broader historical, political and social discours-
es. For instance, Jihadi groups utilize these discourses effectively to put
forward narratives that are enticing to youth who may not be well edu-
cated in the nuance of Islamic history, other religious history, or theolo-
gy writ large. These discourses feed their disillusionment and fuel their
desires to belong to a group and participate in what they see as a noble
cause.
If the nature of the individual who becomes more radicalized is
not simply a case of someone with severe mental health issues or evil as
is often caricaturized by popular media, and is relatively mundane and
normal indicators that may move a person to become more extreme,
then there may be a corollary educative response to consider the ways
that may reduce those initial inclinations to become radicalized in the
first place. Let us turn to the corollary educational response to youth
radicalization.
40
grievances, international events) and through association with people
supporting and/or promoting a violent extremist ideology. These associ-
ations or relationships can occur in person (face to face) but they often
take place online. The consumption of extremist media and/or messag-
ing promotes violent ideological norms through which a person becomes
convinced that violence is a legitimate means to advance their ideological
causes or beliefs.
In reviewing these imprecise indicators, what is most prevalent is
the relative normalcy that leads an individual to become radicalized.
There is a particular historical perspective that is positioned in a par-
ticular way to promote the particular norms and values that are to be
perpetuated and amplified. The individual identifies with the group and
with the values that resonate with the individual, whether it be disillu-
sionment, frustration, disenfranchisement, or isolation at the one end of
the spectrum to that of heroism, valorization, heightened recognition,
or martyrdom on the other. The move toward extremist views and acts
of terror may remove the suffering of the one event and highlight the
suffering and plight of the people for whom have historically or present-
ly commonly feel atrocities over a longer period. In this way those who
move to more radicalized groups may see that their views are not to their
own benefit but serving the greater need of those who have suffered, and
thus create a moral distinction between that of a criminal to one who is
sacrificing oneself to the benefit of others (Richardson, 2007). The na-
ture of youth who becomes radicalized is not half crazed, or a villain,
or evil. The weight of their values and arguments have been shaped and
constructed within the broader historical, political and social discours-
es. For instance, Jihadi groups utilize these discourses effectively to put
forward narratives that are enticing to youth who may not be well edu-
cated in the nuance of Islamic history, other religious history, or theolo-
gy writ large. These discourses feed their disillusionment and fuel their
desires to belong to a group and participate in what they see as a noble
cause.
If the nature of the individual who becomes more radicalized is
not simply a case of someone with severe mental health issues or evil as
is often caricaturized by popular media, and is relatively mundane and
normal indicators that may move a person to become more extreme,
then there may be a corollary educative response to consider the ways
that may reduce those initial inclinations to become radicalized in the
first place. Let us turn to the corollary educational response to youth
radicalization.
40
