Page 140 - Štremfel, Urška, and Maša Vidmar (eds.). 2018. Early School Leaving: Contemporary European Perspectives. Ljubljana: Pedagoški inštitut.
P. 140
ear ly school leaving: contempor ary european perspectives
Structural factors: migrant and minority background2
Eurostat data show that students born abroad are largely over-represented
among those who leave formal education prematurely in many EU coun-
tries – the share of early leavers among migrants in 2015 was almost twice the
level for natives (19.0% compared with 10.1%) (Eurostat, n.d. b), and can be
up to five times more in some countries (European Commission/EACEA/
Eurydice/Cedefop, 2014). There are several possible reasons for this, includ-
ing low SES and language difficulties that may lead to low achievement and
low motivation. Indeed, the European Commission (2014) as well as the
OECD (2013) consistently report lower levels of academic performance for
migrant compared to native students, although the difference shrinks (but
remains significant) when controlling for SES.
On the contrary, in a study by Traag and van der Velden (2008) stu-
dents from a migrant background were less at risk for ESL when controlling
for social background (family resources) than their native counterparts.
According to the authors, this means that the larger numbers of migrant
students found among ESLers is not due to cultural differences and lan-
guage proficiency, but due to the lack of family resources (they more often
have low SES). Interestingly, in Australia having an Australian-born par-
ent (i.e. a native background) increased the risk for ESL compared to stu-
dents whose parents were born in non-English-speaking countries (Marks
& McMillian, 2001).
Among the students with a minority background, it is Roma students
who have been most widely studied. The ESL rates among young Roma are
extremely high – in the examined 11 EU member states only 15% of young
Roma adults surveyed complete upper-secondary general or vocational ed-
ucation (FRA/UNDP, 2012). A combination of factors (e.g. parental choice,
poverty, language barriers, ethnic discrimination in institutions) is likely
to underlie this (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice/Cedefop, 2014;
Eurostat, n.d. b).
Despite the data shown above, it is important to note that students
with a migrant/minority background constitute a heterogeneous group
(e.g. different ethnic backgrounds, second-generation migrants ver-
sus new arrivals), thus it seems that other factors play a more critical role
2 As indicated in the European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice/Cedefop report (2014)
different countries have different conceptualization of what it means to have a mi-
grant to minority background, making comparison difficult; however, some conclu-
sions can still be made.
140
Structural factors: migrant and minority background2
Eurostat data show that students born abroad are largely over-represented
among those who leave formal education prematurely in many EU coun-
tries – the share of early leavers among migrants in 2015 was almost twice the
level for natives (19.0% compared with 10.1%) (Eurostat, n.d. b), and can be
up to five times more in some countries (European Commission/EACEA/
Eurydice/Cedefop, 2014). There are several possible reasons for this, includ-
ing low SES and language difficulties that may lead to low achievement and
low motivation. Indeed, the European Commission (2014) as well as the
OECD (2013) consistently report lower levels of academic performance for
migrant compared to native students, although the difference shrinks (but
remains significant) when controlling for SES.
On the contrary, in a study by Traag and van der Velden (2008) stu-
dents from a migrant background were less at risk for ESL when controlling
for social background (family resources) than their native counterparts.
According to the authors, this means that the larger numbers of migrant
students found among ESLers is not due to cultural differences and lan-
guage proficiency, but due to the lack of family resources (they more often
have low SES). Interestingly, in Australia having an Australian-born par-
ent (i.e. a native background) increased the risk for ESL compared to stu-
dents whose parents were born in non-English-speaking countries (Marks
& McMillian, 2001).
Among the students with a minority background, it is Roma students
who have been most widely studied. The ESL rates among young Roma are
extremely high – in the examined 11 EU member states only 15% of young
Roma adults surveyed complete upper-secondary general or vocational ed-
ucation (FRA/UNDP, 2012). A combination of factors (e.g. parental choice,
poverty, language barriers, ethnic discrimination in institutions) is likely
to underlie this (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice/Cedefop, 2014;
Eurostat, n.d. b).
Despite the data shown above, it is important to note that students
with a migrant/minority background constitute a heterogeneous group
(e.g. different ethnic backgrounds, second-generation migrants ver-
sus new arrivals), thus it seems that other factors play a more critical role
2 As indicated in the European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice/Cedefop report (2014)
different countries have different conceptualization of what it means to have a mi-
grant to minority background, making comparison difficult; however, some conclu-
sions can still be made.
140
